nikki muthafunka

@coleskiiiiii.bsky.social

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don't pull that thang out unless you plan to bang. don't even bang unless you plan to hit something.

woman sitting in her walker chair laughing and talking with her Abdul El-Sayed shirt on in front of a sign for him caption says: “somebody granny keepin it 💯”
Without new visions, we don’t know what to build, only what to knock down. We not only end up confused, rudderless, and cynical, but we forget that making a revolution is not a series of clever maneuvers and tactics, but a process that can and must transform us. - Robin D.G. Kelley
In a peaceful age I might have written ornate or merely descriptive books, and might have remained almost unaware of my political loyalties. As it is I have been forced into becoming a sort of pamphleteer. GEORGE ORWELL, "WHY I WRITE"
reel from instagram person sitting and talking in what looks to be a bookstore their IG name is @/sarahsteinlubrano
It is recognizable by its need to purge, by the strategies it uses to purge, and by its terror of truly democratic agendas. It is recognizable by its determination to convert all public services to private entrepreneurship; all nonprofit organizations to profit-making ones — so that the narrow but protective chasm between governance and business disappears. It changes citizens into taxpayers — so individuals become angry at even the notion of the public good. It changes neighbors into consumers — so the measure of our value as humans is not our humanity or our compassion or our generosity but what we own. It changes parenting into panicking — so that we vote against the interests of our own children; against their health care, their education, their safety from weapons. And in effecting these changes it produces the perfect capitalist, one who is willing to kill a human being for a product (a pair of sneakers, a jacket, a car) or kill generations for control of products (oil, drugs, fruit, gold). When our fears have all been serialized, our creativity censured, our ideas ​“marketplaced,” our rights sold, our intelligence sloganized, our strength downsized, our privacy auctioned; when the theatricality, the entertainment value, the marketing of life is complete, we will find ourselves living not in a nation but in a consortium of industries, and wholly unintelligible to ourselves except for what we see as through a screen darkly.
In 1995 racism may wear a new dress, buy a new pair of boots, but neither it nor its succubus twin fascism is new or can make anything new. It can only reproduce the environment that supports its own health: fear, denial and an atmosphere in which its victims have lost the will to fight. The forces interested in fascist solutions to national problems are not to be found in one political party or another, or in one or another wing of any single political party. Democrats have no unsullied history of egalitarianism. Nor are liberals free of domination agendas. Republicans may have housed abolitionists and white supremacists. Conservative, moderate, liberal; right, left, hard left, far right; religious, secular, socialist — we must not be blindsided by these Pepsi-Cola, Coca-Cola labels because the genius of fascism is that any political structure can host the virus and virtually any developed country can become a suitable home. Fascism talks ideology, but it is really just marketing — marketing for power.
(8) Criminalize the enemy. Then prepare, budget for and rationalize the building of holding arenas for the enemy — especially its males and absolutely its children. (9) Reward mindlessness and apathy with monumentalized entertainments and with little pleasures, tiny seductions: a few minutes on television, a few lines in the press; a little pseudosuccess; the illusion of power and influence; a little fun, a little style, a little consequence. (10) Maintain, at all costs, silence.
Let us be reminded that before there is a final solution, there must be a first solution, a second one, even a third. The move toward a final solution is not a jump. It takes one step, then another, then another. Something, perhaps, like this: (1) Construct an internal enemy, as both focus and diversion. (2) Isolate and demonize that enemy by unleashing and protecting the utterance of overt and coded name-calling and verbal abuse. Employ ad hominem attacks as legitimate charges against that enemy. (3) Enlist and create sources and distributors of information who are willing to reinforce the demonizing process because it is profitable, because it grants power, and because it works. (4) Palisade all art forms; monitor, discredit or expel those that challenge or destabilize processes of demonization and deification. (5) Subvert and malign all representatives of and sympathizers with this constructed enemy. (6) Solicit, from among the enemy, collaborators who agree with and can sanitize the dispossession process. (7) Pathologize the enemy in scholarly and popular mediums; recycle, for example, scientific racism and the myths of racial superiority in order to naturalize the pathology.
Authoritarian regimes, dictators, despots are often, but not always, fools. But none is foolish enough to give perceptive, dissident writers free range to publish their judgments or follow their creative instincts. They know they do so at their own peril. They are not stupid enough to abandon control (overt or insidious) over media. Their methods include surveillance, censorship, arrest, even slaughter of those writers informing and disturbing the public. Writers who are unsettling, calling into question, taking another, deeper look. Writers — journalists, essayists, bloggers, poets, playwrights — can disturb the social oppression that functions like a coma on the population, a coma despots call peace, and they stanch the blood flow of war that hawks and profiteers thrill to. That is their peril. Ours is of another sort. How bleak, unlivable, insufferable existence becomes when we are deprived of artwork. That the life and work of writers facing peril must be protected is urgent, but along with that urgency we should remind ourselves that their absence, the choking off of a writer’s work, its cruel amputation, is of equal peril to us. The rescue we extend to them is a generosity to ourselves.
Zendaya in a Joan of Arc fit at the Met Gala
Women Who Run with the Wolves by Dr. Clarissa Pinkila Estés
uma criadora do instagram falando sobre Angie Nixon
BESTING A WORST CASE SCENARIO ON A VERY PLEASANT afternoon, my best friend and I went to see the doctor. He was also very pleasant, this local oncologist: affable, even, and just this side of avuncular; unctuous. Highly recommended by my regular physician, I sat across from him, from Dr. Gardner, listening and alert. He spoke without hesitation: "From my own examination, and from what the mammograms indicate, I'd say you could go ahead and wait to have a biopsy for five, or even ten years. There's absolutely no hurry, no need to worry!" At this point, my friend exclaimed: "But what if the biopsy could turn out positive?" Dr. Gardner smiled such a warm, big smile. "Don't even think about that! It's not a possibility!" That was the 1992 beginning of my immersion in breast cancer medical care, breast cancer mythologies, breast cancer mistakes, breast cancer myster-ies, breast-cancer-mastectomy-as-an-allegedly-conservative-medical-mental-ity, and shattering, numerously incidental mess-ups of an inexcusable, irreversible, untoward, and truly personal, nature. Ready or not, as I soon learned, one gets stuck with the consequences of all this. I was not ready.
lady in the mirror dancing in her new hat. a patterned, tan & dark brown woven hat. curled up on the sides.
caption: “Irish people doing their shop before tonight’s game” people are draped in Norwegian flags, 613 blonde wigs & viking helmets. they walk around shopping and then sit and do the Norwegian row with the doggy leading the way.
The strategy was not, however, the implementation of a master plan derived from neoliberal ideology: it was largely improvised. But once Keynesianism and other forms of state capitalism had proved themselves no longer able to raise or even maintain the rate of profit, ruling classes had a limited set of options. It is therefore unsurprising that most arrived at the same set of responses – privatisation, outsourcing, deregulation, unrestricted capital flows, indirect rather than direct taxation, and all the rest. The ideologists could claim this as their work, but, without successful resistance, it would almost certainly have happened even if Friedman and co had never written a word. Finally, neoliberalism is the entire period in the history of capitalism since this strategy began to be applied in the 1970s. There have of course been variations in the regime: the “social” neoliberalism of Blair (or Sturgeon) is different in many ways from the “vanguard” neoliberalism of Thatcher and Reagan, not least in relation to identity politics, but the underlying economic doctrines have remained remarkably consistent. The problem with Jim’s argument is that it assumes there are underlying economic “laws” which are eternally true for all of human history. On the contrary, every single statement he makes has to be prefaced by the words “under capitalism”. Ironically, Von Hayek, one of the forerunners of neoliberal ideology, knew better than this. He argued in several places that for most of human history we sought cooperation rather than competition – and that this attitude had to be stamped out of us if capitalism was ever to be truly secure. Neoliberalism is an attempt to create a world in which all human relationships are forced to conform to a model of economic competition; but what can be created can also be destroyed – and as far as neoliberalism is concerned, the sooner the better.
The term neoliberalism can be used in three ways. First, it is an ideology which emerged in Central Europe during the 1930s in opposition to what was mistakenly called “socialism” (ie state planning and ownership) and which later migrated to the economics department at the University of Chicago. The adherents of this conception of neoliberalism actually adopted the term as a self-description; indeed, Milton Friedman wrote a paper in 1951 called Neoliberalism and Its Prospects. The difference between the neoliberals and more conventional supporters of neo-classical economics was that the former did not believe that the market order they desired was a spontaneous result of human activity, but one which would have to be brought into being by the state. The notion that neoliberalism is about markets as opposed to the state is simply a myth – it is rather about changing what the state does. Second, neoliberalism is also the strategy adopted by the alliance of state managers, politicians and employers which began to emerge from the mid-to late-1970s, first in Chile, the UK and the USA. This responded to the return of economic crisis in 1973 by seeking to shift the balance of power in the workplace from labour to capital, in the first instance by weakening the trade unions through artificially raising unemployment levels, attacking key groups of workers (miners in the UK, air-traffic controllers in the US), and moving production to greenfield, non-union sites (the “M4 Corridor” in the UK, the “Sunbelt” in the US).
‘Neoliberalism’ told those that resisted that there was no alternative – and, indeed, there was no alternative via the methods that had flourished so long as the system as a whole was free from crisis. As a result, the major capitalist powers prescribed a diet of neoliberalism for the capitalists of the rest of the world – and these usually lapped it up. Material interests, the drive of capitals to accumulate in competition with each other, pushed them in this direction. And it pushes the biggest capitals to continue to rely on the state despite the ideology. For there is no other force available to fight for their interests worldwide against other capitals and other states. The dominant group in the Bush administration call themselves neoconservatives, not neoliberals. For the neoliberal gospel of free markets is something to be imposed on others. But it won’t deflect them from using the state to feather nests from which they can prey on everyone else. Hence the resort to steel tariffs, the defence of agricultural subsidies, the use of force to grab the world’s second biggest reserves of oil.
The Keynesian interlude lasted barely 30 years. A new phase of crises started in the 1970s that arms spending and state intervention could not ward off. Nationally-based states could not, even with the most barbaric means, exercise control over capitals that increasingly operated across national frontiers. The ideologues of Keynesianism claimed that with state intervention capitalism would ‘work’ in the interests of all classes. This became an embarrassment to them in the new period of crisis. It encouraged people to demand ever more radical measures in order to ward off the deleterious impact of crisis – and to say that if existing governments could not implement such measures then perhaps workers should create mechanisms for doing so themselves. There was a rush by ruling class ideologues back to the old free market liberalism, with its claim that state intervention was itself the problem. The new or ‘neo’ liberalism was an ideological project designed to ward off real examination of what had gone wrong. Dismantling state-run firms and services could have the effect of turning groups of workers against each other, encouraging groups to think that the only way to protect their bits of the system from the crisis was by sacrificing jobs and conditions in order to compete with other groups. And there were immediate material benefits for those favoured capitalists who bought up the old state monopolies. Privatisation was a fire sale, bringing easy joy to certain capitalist interests even as the system as a whole became more crisis prone. Internationally, the IMF, the World Bank and the WTO ensured that mechanisms once set up to protect the interests of the capitalists of small and medium sized states were torn aside, enabling the world’s most powerful firms to take over markets and buy up industries.
Mexico’s president, Claudia Sheinbaum, speaking at the podium about the shooting death of a Mexican national living Houston by an ICE agent. english caption says she implies Mexico will take legal measures to address ICE and the death of Mexicans living in the US.
screenshot of a map showing that Detroit has the most Belgians in the US factual? who knows. doesn’t matter.
book cover: Love in Color mythical tales from around the world, retold by Bolu Babalola
Aldi’s Ireland shoppers draped in Mexican flags and the Mexican world cup camisa. even the dog is wearing the camisa and a sombrero. shopping and going about their business ahead of the Mexico-England matchup.
Domino looking out of his mind. foaming at the mouth. staring off in the distance. eyes bigly dialated.
rainbow for CV!!
book cover “Some of Us Did Not Die” New and selected essays of June Jordan
screenshot of a @democracynow instagram post two photos side by side of Melat Kiros & Diana DeGette headline: Melat Kiros wins Colorado primary caption: The 29-year-old democratic socialist beat 15-term incumbent Congresswoman Diana DeGette for the Democratic nomination in the Denver-area House district.
a bingo board listing different activities that you can do at the library & also sharing library offerings with QR code links to the websites. listing of offerings with QRcode links: -attend a computer class -download the OCLS app -explore “local wanderer” -explore “NoveList” -listen to music with “Freegal” -listen to an audiobook -attend a library event -explore linked in learning -attend a book club -watch “Kanopy”
chart labeled "Population growth in rural counties since 2000 has trailed other areas" 2000 2012-2016 change (%) urban 87 | 98 | 13% suburban 150 | 175 | 16% rural 45 | 46 | 3%
At the national level, non-Hispanic whites make up the majority of the population, but a key demographic shift is underway: Whites are a shrinking share of the population and expected to be less than half by midcentury as other groups grow more rapidly. Whites have become a minority of the population in most urban counties since 2000, while remaining the majority in 90% of suburban and small metro counties and 89% of rural ones.
view of the ocean and beach through an opened window in a dark room the colors from the sky/beach/ocean scene leap out compared to the seemingly black/white of the dark rooms wall and window
THE INVISIBLE PEOPLE An Unsolicited Report on Black Rage WE DO NOT PLAY. Ninety percent, or more, of us voted for Gore, nationwide. "I would have been amazed if we'd voted any differently!" the distinguished political scientist Charles Henry exclaims. He's chair of African American Studies at U.C.-Berkeley, and he speaks without hesitation: "As an electorate, we ate very sophisticated." And, rapid-fire, he cites several instances when black folks shifted our votes to whatever column held the most for us, on a programmatic level. "Besides," he amplifies, "per income grouping, we weigh in more active than white Americans: more aware of the differences among can-didates, more attuned to the content of the choice, and more likely, through daily conversations, and, even, literal organizing efforts, to keep political matters front and center." He's talking with me as readily as, just an hour before, Nobel Laureate Toni Morrison answered my call. Id rung her up and asked, "What do you think of this mess? This stolen election?" The questions, themselves, evidently relieved her from a punishing sense of isolation and disregard. Until I asked, nobody from the national media had bothered to make such an inquiry! "It's more than sinister," she said. "It's really really frightening, on every level I can think of. ... You know there's always been a fascist strain, here: It's not even political in the sense of
“Well, I don’t know if that’s true or not, but it’s breathtaking, that part. We’ll get through all that.” Canada agreed to pay for the entire $4 billion-plus bridge. In exchange, it will collect revenue from tolls until it recoups its investment. After that, Canada will split the revenue with Michigan.
You don't choose the times you live in, but you do choose who you want to be and how you ought to think. -Grace Lee Boggs
Rob Brezsny I wish you the courage to ask for what you truly want from Life’s Highest Powers, and the grace to recognize when you’re receiving it in forms you didn’t anticipate. I wish you the exact amount of difficulty you need to grow stronger without being broken, arriving at precisely the moment you’re ready to meet it. I wish you spontaneous eruptions of creative fire that bypass your internal censor and allow you to create things that surprise even yourself. I wish you encounters with teachers in unexpected forms—animal, vegetable, spirit, elemental, or human—who show up exactly when you’re ready to learn what they have to teach. .
a photo of Lamelo Ball’s head on a car over a map showing the route from Charlotte to Minnesota. caption reads: If you live in the predicted path of destruction please stay off the streets. Seek shelter immediately. Wait until the all clear.
the designer with the first look leading off and the rest of their models walking behind
bolero (?) sleeves in gold. a red top under neath sheer black lace skirt with ombré…fringe and feathers. beginning white, pink and black mixed in, ending in a deep red
still feminine and lacy but the black denim skirt and black boots lend an edginess to the look. also the pink hat gives masc a bit. top is shades of pink/purple/red with roses imprinted on it in a monochrome way? idk how to describe that
again. the stockings!!
red sheer lace top with seams that remind me of boning. matching feathers at the bottom of the top and sleeves. maybe this is a dress? sheer pink skirt that shows white thigh high lace boots underneath. the skirt almost looks like those crepe streamers at parties
this one is all about the lace knee high boots
model in a yellow coat. dress with a white skirt. detailed…idk what to call it but lace appliqué maybe? multi colored. FLY ass burgundy lace patterned stockings with matching open toed sandals
a man and a woman hugging and posing for a photo on the beach. a bluesky with white clouds and the sea with waves in the background. the man has on an army green shirt and cargo shorts with black sandals. the woman has on a colorful dress, bare feet and sunglasses.
screenshot from The Athletic title reads “Hornets agree to trade LaMelo Ball to Timberwolves for Naz Reid, picks: Source” photo if Lamelo Ball
Dorit from rhobh. “Me after every book club”
Dom in his carrier. hidden in the back corner tucked away, but still looking thru the mesh screen and out the window.
Instead of development happening to communities, development happens through communities. Residents own part of the growth they help create. This model solves two problems simultaneously. Detroit’s small businesses need flexible, non-extractive capital that helps them grow without crushing them under debt. Detroit residents need access to wealth-building, so they are not just consumers but investors with a financial stake in local business success. That creates a powerful feedback loop. Residents invest in local businesses, incentivizing them to shop locally. Stronger demand improves business survival and growth, strengthening return on investment and wealth creation for residents. The community becomes more stable, and the city’s fiscal position improves as businesses generate profits, jobs and tax revenue.
According to local newspaper The Tribune, six individuals — Daniella Duran, 22, Gabriella Aguilar, 27, Jaeyln Duran, 19, Irvin Castro, 26, Andrew Tapia, 21, and Jose Duran, 50 - were charged in connection with the June 8 incident. Their charges reportedly include assaulting a police officer, disorderly behavior in a police station, disorderly behavior, resisting arrest, obscene language, escape from lawful custody, causing dangerous harm and two counts of damage and obstruction.
banana pudding with the chessman in a glass bowl topped with crushed chessman and chocolate
me and my book klerbbies
Domino begging ass
me in my summer dress. one my mother would have loved. a semi-abstract design reminiscent of tropical leaves painted in browns, reds & greens against a yellow background.
white bookmaker with a stylized black border & black print in the middle primary message “the rent is too damn high!” at the bottom is a reminder to “Support Gutenberg Arts” at the top is their website: guttenbergarts.org