John Pfaff

@johnpfaff.bsky.social

45118 Followers 739 Following

Professor at Fordham Law. Prisons and criminal justice quant. I'm not contrarian, the data are. Author of Locked In. New stuff at johnfpfaff.com.

Graph of training times: 600 hrs for US, 1000 for Canada, over 2K for England, 3K for Austria, 4K for Germany, 5.5K for Finland.
Graph showing US hrs of training at ~650, vs Canada at over 1000, England at over 2000, Australia at over 3500, Germany at 5000, and Finland at 5,500.
WASHINGTON, Feb 26 (Reuters) - U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement is struggling to keep pace with vetting new hires during its historic recruitment push and is laying out a process to deal with allegations of past misconduct among recruits, the agency said in an internal email on Monday, underscoring concerns about ICEs rapid expansion. The email, sent to supervisors with ICE's Enforcement and Removal Operations division and seen by Reuters, said the "high volume of new hires" and stalled background checks could create uncertainty for field offices when allegations arise related to actions before joining ICE, and that allegations should be referred to the internal Integrity Investigations Unit. "If a Field Office receives derogatory information about a newly hired employees conduct prior to ERO employment (e.g., termination or resignation in lieu of terminationfrom another law enforcement agency for misconduct), please refer the matter to IIU," it said.
El Salvador recorded its lowest homicide tally since tracking began, with government officials announcing 82 murders in 2025, a sharp drop from the previous year. Justice and Public Security Minister Gustavo Villatoro shared the figures during a press conference on Monday, pointing to the ongoing campaign against gangs as the main factor. The homicide rate stood at 1.3 per 100,000 people, down fron 1.9 in 2024 when 114 killings occurred. Officials noted that all 82 cases from last year reached resolution, achieving full clearance. 'This positions EI Salvador as the safest nation in the Western Hemisphere," Villatoro stated, emphasizing the progress made under President Nayib
The decline stems from a state of emergency declared in March 2022, which permits detentions without warrants. This measure has led to nearly 91,000 arrests of suspected gang members, though around 8,000 later gained release after reviews showed no involvement. Gangs once dominated 80% of the country, relying on extortion from businesses and transport operators, with refusal often resulting in death.
"These results are fairly consistent with other national-level data that report the percentage of people admitted to prison each year for drug offenses" MS is suggesting "prisoning" for "to prison"
expressly prohibits such laws under: Article I, § 9 – Prohibits Congress from passing ex post facto laws. Article I, § 10 – Prohibits states from passing ex post facto laws. What Constitutes Punishment In Beazell v. Ohio, 269 U.S. 167 (1925), the Supreme Court defined the scope of the constitutional ex post facto prohibitions, holding: “It is settled, by decisions of this Court so well known that their citation may be dispensed with, that any statute which punishes as a crime an act previously committed, which was innocent when done, which makes more burdensome the punishment for a crime, after its commission, or which deprives one charged with crime of any defense available according to law at the time when the act was committed, is prohibited as ex post facto.”
One post saying “this can’t be real,” and an unrelated one saying “it’s real” right below it.
As of Monday evening, no video evidence confirming the government's version of events had emerged. Since last year, federal agents have fired on more than 20 people, many of whom were shot in their vehicles. In some cases, video evidence has undermined the accounts that were initially provided by federal officials.
21 ag at Vehicles Fifteen cases were reviewed where shots were fired at or into vehicles by CBP agents. Observations: Based on a review of the submitted cases, it appears that CBP practice allows shooting at the driver of any suspect vehicle that comes in the direction of agents. It is suspected that in m ny vehicle shooting cases, the subject driver was attempting to flee from the agents who intentionally put themselves into the exit path of the vehicle, thereby exposing themselves to additional risk and creating justification for the use of deadly force. In most of these cases, the agents have stated that they were shooting at the driver of a velicle that was coming at them and posing an imminent threat to their life. In some cases, passengers were struck by agents' gunfire. Little focus has been placed on defensive tactics that could have been used by shooting agents such as getting out of the way. It should be recognized that a ½ ounce (200 grain) bullet is unlikely to stop a 4,000 pound moving vehicle, and if the driver of the approaching vehicle is disabled by a bullet, the vehicle will become a totally unguided threat. Obviously, shooting at a moving vehicle can pose a risk to bystanders including other agents. The cases suggest that some of the shots at suspect vehicles are taken out of frustration
Color coded excel packing list.
Merriam-Webster spelling it “suss.”
Federal officials say their vehicle was rammed but don't provide evidence Salgado Araujo was shot after he ignored commands and attempted to ram an officer who fired his weapon in self-defense, The Department of Homeland Security said Tuesday in a statement. ICE officers were targeting him because he was living in the country without legal permission, according to the department, which oversees ICE. The man's car struck an ICE vehicle, the department added. READ MORE: Trump's deportation agenda is about to get a $70B infusion from Congress Democratic U.S. Rep. Sylvia Garcia said Salgado Araujo had no criminal convictions. He died at the hospital. Houston firefighters said he was shot in the abdomen. Three other men appeared to be detained as Salgado Araujo lay moaning on the ground, according to his son, who said one of them was his uncle and that no one has heard from them since. Federal officials have not released video or images of the shooting or the damage to the vehicles. Salgado on Tuesday joined civil rights groups and Democratic officials in urging federal authorities to release all the footage and other information it has on the shooting.
Harris County District Attorney Sean Teare said Thursday on Hello Houston that his office has initiated its own investigation, while acknowledging its access to evidence has been limited. The Department of Homeland Security's Office of Inspector General is investigating the shooting death, according to the FBI, which has said it's investigating a potential assault on a law enforcement officer.
Homeland security officials said Mr. Araujo had tried to use his vehicle as a weapon, though no video or other evidence for that claim has emerged.
Chapter 7 - DISTRICT ATTORNEYS GENERAL (§§ 8-7-101 — 8-7-606) Part 1 - GENERAL PROVISIONS (§§ 8-7-101 — 8-7-115) Section 8-7-106 - District attorney general pro tem - Attorney acting for district attorney general Universal Citation: TN Code § 8-7-106 (2024) Learn more This media-neutral citation is based on the American Association of Law Libraries Universal Citation Guide and is not necessarily the official citation. Previous Next (a) (1) If the district attorney general fails to attend the circuit or criminal court, or is disqualified from acting, or if there is a vacancy in the office, the court shall appoint some other attorney to supply such district attorney general's place temporarily. The acts of such district attorney general pro tem shall be as valid as if done by the regular officer, and the district attorney general pro tem shall be entitled to the same privileges and emoluments. (2) If a district attorney general peremptorily and categorically refuses to prosecute all instances of a criminal offense without regard to facts or circumstances, then the attorney general and reporter may petition the supreme court for appointment of a district attorney general pro tem. If the supreme court finds that the district attorney general has refused to attend and prosecute according to law, then the supreme court shall appoint some other attorney as district attorney general pro tem in the district attorney general's place for the sole purpose of prosecuting persons accused of committing that offense. The acts of such district attorney general pro tem are valid as if done by the regular officer, and the district attorney general pro tem is entitled to the same privileges and emoluments.
What did you make of the birthright-citizenship decision? That seemed like the type of case that recently might have been 9-0 or 8-1 on the constitutional question, and instead it was 5-4. How does legal conventional wisdom, in this case among a lot of conservatives, shift like that? I had the same view of the birthright case, especially after listening to the oral argument. I thought it would be at least 7-2, maybe 8-1. I even thought there was an outside shot it would be unanimous, and then it ended up being 6-3, although there's even some dispute about the basis for Kavanaugh's ruling, and you can argue it was really 5-4, although he's not in a dissent anywhere. But your question is, like, if there's a shift on the Court, how does that happen? Like, what's that process? What does that look like? Justices, like any other public figures or political beings, sometimes see their ideologies and policy preferences evolve over time.
I'm definitely not arguing that the liberals are not political, too. Isn't it possible that someone like Justice Roberts is making political decisions, but he's just not the extreme conservative that Donald Trump or Clarence Thomas is! So he could be making his decisions based on his ideology, and, as one lawyer said to me when I was talking to him before this interview, his politics are those of the Reagan Justice Department in the nineteen-eighties, which was conservative and political but not exactly MAGA. And so he's making decisions based on that ideology, and that means he votes with Clarence Thomas most of the time, but not always. But that can still be political, right? Well, that's interesting. I'm just trying to think about which example would work best here.
not saying that the other four are perfect paragons of judicial impartiality, and that ideology never factors in. I am saying that, on a substantial number of very high-stakes cases, we saw two or more of those four Justices reaching results that go against their conservative ideology, that yield nonconservative, anti-Trump, pro-liberal outcomes. I don’t think there’s any way to ignore that. If all nine Justices just did what I accused the five political Justices of doing, the world would look very different right now. Like, this isn’t just an academic argument. We would have more tariffs in place, and have a substantially narrowed version of birthright citizenship. We’d have no allowance for mail-in ballots coming in after the date of the election. We’d have National Guard on the streets in Chicago and perhaps elsewhere. We’d have very limited access to mifepristone. So, it really does make a difference. In your piece, you say those four are the only ones who’ve shown “any ability to dispassionately assess the law.” And you used some of the cases that you just mentioned to me as examples. It seemed to me, when you described the Fed case, that the Justices in the majority were not dispassionately assessing the law. I thought that you were saying they were making a political decision, maybe a smart political decision, maybe a reasonable political decision, but a political decision. My argument is not that Kavanaugh, Barrett, and Roberts never take politics into account. Kavanaugh does explicitly take policy into account in that Lisa Cook decision, which I think is an outlier. I’m not saying Justice Kavanaugh is a perfect paragon of judicial neutrality. All nine Justices let policy considerations animate and drive them to differing degrees, and I think what was unusual about that is that Kavanaugh said it out loud. There are other cases, though, where Justice Kavanaugh clearly comes out in ways that are not conservative, right? And look, the liberal Justices, too,
just saying, when you say you're messing with markets, that stuff matters to politics. But anyway, you wrote this piece downplaying the idea that the four least conservative of the six conservative Justices were acting politically the way the other five Justices were, and you seemed dismissive of people who describe the Court as political. So how would you describe something like the Fed decision? My argument is that the Court is neither entirely political nor that it is entirely apolitical. I think we have to be a little more nuanced in the way we go about this. First, how do we define political? I think, generally speaking, that criticism means this is a 6-3 conservative supermajority, and when push comes to shove on all the big things, they're just gonna go 6-3 for Trump. I think what we all basically mean when we say a Justice is being political is that they're starting from the bottom line. They're starting from the political or policy or real-world outcome, and then reverse-engineering the legal analysis, the math calculation, to give them the desired result. And I think what we mean when we say that Justices are being nonpolitical is they're just doing some faithful version of the math equation, and living with the result, whether it aligns with their ideology or not.
How would you summarize this most recent Supreme Court term? Trump lost some very big cases, and he won some big ones. But if I had to speak in overarching terms, the cases he lost are mostly one- offs, whereas the cases he won will give Donald Trump himself, but also the Presidency more broadly, more power moving forward. So if we look, for example, at two of his biggest, most high-profile losses— tariffs and birthright citizenship—both of those were major policy initiatives of Donald Trump himself. They were struck down by cross- ideological Supreme Court majorities. Well, both of those policies are now dead and gone, and really, there's no lasting impact on the executive power of the Presidency, other than you can't run totally wild with an executive order.
25. DETERMINING THE DISCIPLINARY MEASURE 1. The judicial body determines the type and extent of the disciplinary measures to be imposed in accordance with the objective and subjective elements of the offence, taking into account both aggravating and mitigating circumstances. 2. Disciplinary measures may be limited to a geographical area or to one or more specific categories of match or competition. 3. When determining the disciplinary measure, the judicial body shall take into account all relevant factors of the case, including any assistance of and substantial cooperation by the offender in uncovering or establishing a breach of any FIFA rule, the circumstances and the degree of the offender's guilt and any other relevant circumstances. 4. In exercising its discretionary powers, the relevant FIFA judicial body may scale down the disciplinary measure to be imposed or even dispense with it entirely.
Hopper painting of a lone man staring out the window of an empty office.
The President's initiative generated a groundswell of new scholarship into the original meaning of the Citizenship Clause. A wide range of originalist scholars have concluded that the 20th century executive practice was mistaken and that the Order has substantial lawful applications. See generally, e.g., Lash, 101 Notre Dame L. Rev. 101; R. Ep- stein, The Myth of Birthright Citizenship (2026); I. Wurman, Jurisdiction and Citizenship, 49 Harv. J. L. Pub. Pol'y 315 (2026); Swearer, 2 Tex. A & M J. L. & Civ. Gov. 73; R. Barnett, Trump Is Right on Birthright Citizenship, Wall Street Journal, Mar. 31, 2026; P. Hamburger, Alle- giance, Birthright, and Citizenship, Law and Liberty (Apr. 9, 2026), https://lawliberty.org/allegiance-birthright-and- citzenship (archived at perma.cc/S9JB-ZNEP).
JUSTICE KAVANAUGH, concurring in the judgment and dissenting in part. Executive Order No. 14160 establishes new exceptions to birthright citizenship for children born to foreign citizens unlawfully or temporarily in the country. 90 Fed. Reg. 8449 (2025). The Court today holds that the Order violates the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution. I respectfully disagree with the Court's constitutional holding. In my view, the Executive Order does not violate the Fourteenth Amendment. But the Order does contravene a federal statute, 8 U.S. C. §1401(a). Congress could-consistent with the Fourteenth Amendment-amend §1401(a) or otherwise enact new legislation establishing exceptions to birthright citizenship for children born to foreign citizens unlawfully or temporarily in the country. But Congress has not yet done so.
Change in Prison Populations by County Urbanization and Ideology 26 States United States, 2009-2019 Dem Counties Rep Counties Urbanization Pris Pop 2009 Pris Pop 2019 Pris Pop 2009 Pris Pop 2019 Dem Change GOP Change 1. Metro, 1M+ 411788 337681 162787 157535 -91428 -10967 2. Metro, 250K-1M 88752 77300 136757 137899 -13525 -6490 3. Metro, < 250K 16324 15488 79420 86943 -1641 189 4. Non-Metro, Adj, 20K+ 6525 6631 40019 44438 -736 2053 5. Non-Metro, NonAdj, 20K+ 1841 2305 11485 15412 -71 991 6. Non-Metro, Adj, 2.5K-20K 4283 3754 50124 55697 -701 2999 7. Non-Metro, NonAdj, 2.5K-20K 1417 1694 20722 23399 -24 751 8. Rural, Adj 691 609 4817 5499 -133 464 9. Rural, NonAdj 290 275 4982 6131 -33 347 Cumulative Change Dem Counties' Share Large Metro Dem Counties' Share of Decline Large Metro Dem Counties' Share of 2009 Total -108292 91.8% 77.5% 39.5% -9663 Dem Counties' Share of Pris Pop and State Pop 2009 2019 Pris Pop 51.0% 45.5% State Pop 49.7% 49.0% Included states saw a net 6% decline, vs. 10% nationwide. Their share of national prison pops is 74% in 2009 and 78% in 2019 Key missing states for declines are MI, CT, NJ, MD, VA, and DE (missing states with declines > 1000) Key missing states for increases are AR, ID, AZ, KS, NE, and MT (missing states with increases > 1000)
Half of U.S. counties with highest rates of gun homicides are rural Top 50 U.S. counties with the highest annualized firearm homicide rates, 2021-2024 Use pagination to browse, click column headings to sort, or search within the table. Search in table Page 1 of 4 > Annualized Gun Homicide County Urbanization Rate 1 St. Louis city, MO large metro 77.94 2 Washington County, MS rural 68.60 3 Holmes County, MS rural 67.48 4 Hinds County, MS small metro 67.22 5 Leflore County, MS rural 66.90 6 Orleans Parish, LA large metro 55.69 7 Coahoma County, MS rural 53.47 8 Dallas County, AL rural 49.23 9 Petersburg city, VA large metro 47.71 10 Baltimore city, MD large metro 46.81 11 Allendale County, SC rural 46.35 12 Tunica County, MS large metro 43.68 13 Wilkinson County, MS rural 41.56
Killings by police have yet to reignite the broad outrage that followed Mr Floyd's death, but each day, unfortunately, brings the chance of a grisly event that might. Shootings by sheriffs, who operate mostly in rural areas, have risen especially fast in recent years, countering improvements in some big cities. In a recent case in a small town in Mississippi, police officers killed a one-year-old by shooting at the car in which the child was riding. Cops said that the driver, an alleged shoplifter stealing nappies, was trying to run them over. Local witnesses have disputed that account. The officers say they were standing in front of the car. Witnesses say they were chasing it.
Sink completely fogged in w dry ice fog.
But this shouldn't be conflated with, for example, a relentless dedication to watching Fox News. Instead, the researchers found that it emanated from that core "freedom" tenet: "Having the courage to think independently, rather than defer to experts, is itself experienced as an expression of freedom," the researchers write. The researchers found that the people with whom they spoke relied heavily on bespoke sources of information and ad hoc solutions for health problems. Diaries detailing their media diets include a range of YouTube channels, influencers and Facebook groups, few of which could be called media outlets in any real sense. They "do their own research," though that often means outsourcing their research to trusted, non-institutional voices, people who engage in what the researchers call "the performance of inquiry." "[T]he mechanisms mainstream institutions use to establish credibility — mechanisms like expert input, peer review, debunking and fact-checking," they write, "have no purchase in this new framework."
5 posts w explanations from basic libs to trolls to bots to cooked-on-twitter libs.
Lucy football meme w “that one promising SCOTUS case” at top and “every case that follows it” for Lucy yanking the ball away.
Text from Brown v Plata showing 66 preventable deaths in 2007 due to overcrowding.
Man waving US flag at night in a sea of tear gas.
Wiggum shooting at viruses.
Lucy football meme, top says "that one promising SCOTUS case," bottom says "every case that follows it"
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES No. 24-1063 MUNSON P. HUNTER, III, PETITIONER v. UNITED STATES ON WRIT OF CERTIORARI TO THE UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE FIFTH CIRCUIT [June 18, 2026] JUSTICE THOMAS, dissenting. Munson Hunter deceived others to make himself nearly half-a-million dollars. The Government charged him with 10 counts of fraud. If a jury had convicted him of all 10 counts, Hunter could have received a 300-year sentence. Instead, Hunter knowingly and voluntarily made an agree- ment with the Government. Under the agreement, the Gov- ernment would dismiss nine counts. In exchange, Hunter would plead guilty to the remaining one and waive his right to appeal his sentence unless it exceeded the statutory max- imum—a 30-year prison term followed by up to 5 years of supervised release. Thanks to the agreement, Hunter re- ceived a 51-month prison term, followed by three years of supervised release, less than 2% of the prison time to which the indictment exposed him. Now, Hunter wants to keep his reduced sentence but take back the appeal waiver, and the Court holds that he may be able to do so.
Two hundred years ago, it was likely unimaginable that almost every federal criminal case would be resolved by plea bargain. Forty years ago, it may have been no easier to foresee that plea bargaining defendants would be pressed to waive their statutory right to appeal sentences yet to be imposed. Let alone that the federal government would ar- gue these waivers prevent defendants from appealing even blatantly unlawful or unconstitutional sentences chosen by an orangutan. This Court is not responsible for all these developments, but it has encouraged some of them and stood silent while others took hold. Today, the Court finally begins to correct course, taking an important step toward reining in appeal waivers. It is not a solution to all of plea bargaining's excesses, and perhaps not even those associ- ated with appeal waivers. But it is a start.
miscarriage of justice would seem to arise, as well, when a district court metes out punishment that is so sub- stantively unreasonable that it would fail under the "defer- ential abuse-of-discretion standard" that appellate courts already apply in sentencing challenges. Gall, 552 U.S., at
v. Hayes, 434 U.S. 357 (1978), illustrates the kind of coercive tactics this Court became willing to stomach in the name of facilitating plea deals. That case began when authorities indicted Paul Hayes, a Kentucky man, for forging an $88.30 check. Id., at 358. Punishable by 2 to 10 years in prison, the charge led to plea negotia- tions. Ibid. If Mr. Hayes would save the government from "the inconvenience... of a trial," the prosecutor offered to recommend a 5-year prison sentence. Ibid. (internal quota- tion marks omitted). But if not, the prosecutor warned, he would return to the grand jury and seek a further indict- ment under a Kentucky three-strikes law carrying a life sentence. Id., at 358-359. When Mr. Hayes refused the deal, the prosecutor proved true to his word. Id., at 359. He sought and secured the new indictment as promised. Ibid. And, after a jury convicted, Mr. Hayes received a life sen- tence. See ibid. In a decision perhaps unthinkable only a few decades ear- lier, this Court in Bordenkircher endorsed the prosecutor's tactics. However things might work in "an ideal world," the Court said, "the fact is that the guilty plea and the of- ten concomitant plea bargain are important components of this country's criminal justice system.'" Id., at 361-362 (quoting Blackledge v. Allison, 431 U.S. 63, 71 (1977)). As the Court saw things, prosecutors need room to issue threats in plea bargaining—even when it means threaten- ing a life sentence for a forged check worth less than $100. 434 U. S., at 363-365.
JUSTICE GORsUCH, with whom JUSTICE SOTOMAYOR and In our times, the jury trial has given way to a conveyor belt of plea bargains. At least some responsibility for that development lies with this Court. When confronted with coercive prosecutorial tactics designed to induce defendants to take plea deals, the Court has often condoned those prac- tices or let them pass in silence. Today, the Court begins to correct course. It rules that prosecutors may not always leverage their plea-bargaining power to induce a defendant to forego the right to contest his sentence on appeal. I agree and write separately to out- line how we got here and some of the work still ahead.
JUSTICE GORsUCH, with whom JUSTICE SOTOMAYOR and In our times, the jury trial has given way to a conveyor belt of plea bargains. At least some responsibility for that development lies with this Court. When confronted with coercive prosecutorial tactics designed to induce defendants to take plea deals, the Court has often condoned those prac- tices or let them pass in silence. Today, the Court begins to correct course. It rules that prosecutors may not always leverage their plea-bargaining power to induce a defendant to forego the right to contest his sentence on appeal. I agree and write separately to out- line how we got here and some of the work still ahead.
Bart saying he'll take up smoking to quit it, and Lisa pointing out that accomplished nothing.
Cc spelled the Spurs players name as wimpanyama.
prison_master %>% filter(Fac_Function == 1) %>% filter(region_name = "South") %>% filterC!is.na (Fac_BlackStaff)) %>% summarize(tot = sum(Fac_TotStaff_Race), black = sum(Fac_BlackStaff), white = sum(Fac_WhiteStaff)) # A tibble: 1 × 3 tot black white <dbl> <dbl> <dbl> 1 78627 33799 36577
Electoral map of WY in 2024. Only blue is Teton County, even "populated" places like Cheyenne and Casper are strongly red.
Text: After five decades at the Bronx Zoo, Happy, the elephant, has died. She was at the center of a landmark case that held that habeas corpus, the legal tool used to challenge unlawful confinement, does not apply to anımals. Subscribe to State Court Report's free newsletter: bit.ly/45IXZOM Image attached: a perfectly ordinary woman in a blue dress. Very much not an elephant.
Markwayne Mullin • @Se...•4/21/25 X I will lead the breach. I will lay down cover fire. I will take the high ground. I'll expose myself to enemy fire to communicate. We must bring back integrity, focus, and put the Warfighter first inside DOD. I stand with @SecDef @PeteHegseth.
Now, to be clear, these skewed incentives are deeply problematic. My argument here is not that these distorted incentives don't actually exist, or that they are not that bad. It is that we see the exact same ones in the public sphere. I am not trying to elevate our view of private prisons here so much as I want to make sure we don't give public prisons a pass they do not deserve. In some cases, the public prisons act like private prisons because we literally impose the exact same incentive structures on them. In Louisiana, for example, the state paid (public) county sheriffs per diems for each state prisoner that the sheriffs held in their (public) county jails in an effort to manage overcrowding in the state prison system. Unsurprisingly, the sheriffs acted just like the private prisons described above: they fought to make sure their jail beds were full, and instead of taking the per diem and reinvesting it in the jail, they often skimped on services to try to use as much of it as possible on non-jail expenses. And like the private firms, these sheriffs did not have to worry about the harms of their bad decisions, since the people they held were generally returned to communities in other counties, and thus
Graph showing support in majority Black precincts (red dots) always ahead of that in Progressive precincts (blue dots), for all elections, in Chicago and suburbs alike.
Four graphs of points, showing where prisons are. Prisons are pretty uniformly distributed where the points are. But the points, esp in NE and MW, are clustered in the white-GOP corner.
Four graphs of points, showing where prisons are. Prisons are pretty uniformly distributed where the points are. But the points, esp in NE and MW, are clustered in the white-GOP corner.
Four graphs. Top two have a blue curve that is to the left of the red. Bottom two the two curves are basically perfect fits.
Same graphs mostly as before.
prison_master %>% filter(FIPS == 19025) %>% count(TOT_POP, FacTotInmates) # A tibble: 1 x 3 TOT_POP FacTotInmates <dbl> <dbl> ‹int> 2926 487 1 487/9926 [1] 0.04906307 > pris_confinezb %>% filter(FIPS == 19025) %>% count(Census_PctNHNA, Adj_PctNHWA) # A tibble: 1X3 Census_PctNHWA Adj_PctNHWA <dbl> <abl> ‹int> 0.936 0.951 prison_master %>% filter(FIPS == 19025) %>% count(Fac_Level) # A tibble: 1 x Z Fac_Level <dbl> <int> > prison_master %>% filter(FIPS == 19025) %>% count(Fac_TotInmates, Fac_WhiteInmates) # A tibble: 1 x 3 Fac_TotInmates Fac_WhiteInmates <dbl> 487 n <dbl> ‹int> 313 1 313/487 [1] 0.6427105
Regional graphs that look a lot like the ones before.
Graphs similar to the ones already shown.
Four graphs that really are hard to describe. Midwest at the top has the most left-ward skew of prison counties, northeast tracks closely, south and west make clear much more non-white rural areas.
County map showing majority non-white counties clustered in the South and Southwest.
A density plot with three colors, red, blue. and green, with the red having a rightward skew vs. the others.