Sam Halpert

@samhalpert.bsky.social

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Highlights in **’s Article VI All debts contracted and engagements entered into, before the adoption of this Constitution, shall be as valid against the United States under this Constitution, as under the Confederation. This Constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof; and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land; and the judges in every state shall be bound thereby, anything in the Constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding. **The Senators and Representatives before mentioned, and the members of the several state legislatures, and all executive and judicial officers, both of the United States and of the several states, shall be bound by oath or affirmation, to support this Constitution;** but no religious test shall ever be required as a qualification to any
News From The States Yet, two legal experts the Lantern spoke to said the matter would likely end up in federal court, should Kentucky ever get to that point. "I think any challenge would be filed in federal court rather than state court, because the issue is whether the United States Constitution controls rather than the state constitution," said Sheryl Snyder, a state constitutional lawyer who has previously represented governors of both political parties. Snyder pointed to the 17th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, which says state legislatures "may empower the executive thereof to make temporary appointments until the people fill the vacancies by election as the legislature may direct." Plus, the U.S. Constitution says the U.S. House and U.S. Senate judge the qualifications of their members.
Highlights in **’s: Al Cross, a longtime Kentucky political journalist and columnist, said McConnell is a "national Democratic bogeyman," and the pressure on Beshear may have been different if it were another political figure in that seat. **"I do think that if it had been Rand Paul, for example, we wouldn't have seen the kind of pressure that we see now.** I do think you would have seen it, though," Cross said. "I think it's a natural question for people to ask. Unfortunately, I think a lot of people have been taken down the rabbit hole by conspiracy theories and speculation and outright misinformation.
Highlights in **’s Denis Fleming, who has served as legal counsel in multiple Kentucky Democratic governor administrations, agreed with Snyder. He said Beshear has ** "little, if any, authority at this point" to declare McConnell's seat vacant.** Questions do remain, however, on how the Kentucky and U.S. Constitutions would dictate filling a vacant Senate seat.
GovFacts From the nation's inception, American leaders have recognized that a republic cannot survive without an educated citizenry capable of self-governance. As French observer Alexis de Tocqueville noted in the 19th century, in the United States, the "sum of men's education is directed toward politics." This history traces this educational mission through its major transformations-from the Founders' vision to 21st-century challenges.
When six justices walk away from those they are supposed to protect, state constitutions hold the line. That is not defiance. That is the design. State constitutionalism makes it easy to consider Roberts Court jurisprudence "white noise." See Hilo Bay Marina, 156 Hawai'i at 518, 575 P.3d at 608. Add it all up. Draining due process. Rolling back voting rights. Flooding elections with money. Rubber-stamping gerrymandering. Crowning a president. Blessing discrimination in the name of the Constitution. Fulton v. City of
The bigoted move comes next. Those dispositions are assigned to a particular civilization. Constitutional democracy becomes the product not of institutions operating in the present, but of a people developing across centuries. The law is the surface. Beneath it lies culture. Beneath culture lies history. And only some people have lived the right history. The result is a division between populations that possess constitutional habits and populations that do not. Some people arrive carrying an accumulated inheritance of liberty. Others arrive carrying the consequences of autocracy, hierarchy, religious difference, poverty, or political disorder. They may learn the constitutional rules. They may recite the creed. But they do not necessarily possess the deeper habits that make the rules work.
citizensimpeachment.com The message of these militarized sorties by federal agents into high-visibility areas of our cities as they target the press, the clergy, and unarmed protesters, is clear: the new federal order is not a matter for civil debate. Donald Trump has sent these forces into a "war" (by his own words) on Democrat-led U.S. cities to suppress legitimate opposition to the "revolution" (by his own words) that his government is pursuing.
Highlights in **'s. Designation as a “Domestic Terrorist Organization”: In 2025, President Trump issued an Executive Order (EO) designating “Antifa”[1] as a “Domestic Terrorist Organization.” **The designation was not based in any underlying statutory authority and, as such, does not trigger new criminal penalties for members of the designated entity or those who support or otherwise engage with it.** The EO instead directs federal executive agencies to investigate and prosecute unlawful conduct by “Antifa” or individuals claiming to act on behalf of “Antifa,” as well as those who fund such conduct. Under National Security Presidential Memo 7 (NSPM-7), issued shortly after the Antifa EO, organizations purportedly linked to “domestic terrorism,” including those designated as “domestic terrorist organizations,” may be subject to heightened tax scrutiny, financial surveillance, and criminal investigations among other potential consequences.
citizensimpeachment.com The message of these militarized sorties by federal agents into high-visibility areas of our cities as they target the press, the clergy, and unarmed protesters, is clear: the new federal order is not a matter for civil debate. Donald Trump has sent these forces into a "war" (by his own words) on Democrat-led U.S. cities to suppress legitimate opposition to the "revolution" (by his own words) that his government is pursuing.
The message of these militarized sorties by federal agents into high-visibility areas of our cities as they target the press, the clergy, and unarmed protesters, is clear: the new federal order is not a matter for civil debate. Donald Trump has sent these forces into a "war" (by his own words) on Democrat-led U.S. cities to suppress legitimate opposition to the "revolution" (by his own words) that his government is pursuing.
Pwnallthethings @pwnallthethings.... • 26d When people read about this era in 200 years they're going to be convinced most of it was an allegory and not real
As relevant here, a federal court may grant habeas reli on a claim that a state court has resolved on the merits on. if that decision was "contrary to, or involved an unreason ble application of, clearly established Federal law §2254(d)(1). Only the holdings of this Court clearly estal lish federal law. White v Woodall 579 S 415. 41
"ABOLITIONISTS AND LABOR ACTIVISTS UNDERSTOOD THAT THE FIRST STEP TOWARD BUILDING A NEW CONSTITUTIONAL ORDER IS ACTING AS IF THE RIGHTS OF THAT CONSTITUTIONAL ORDER ALREADY EXIST."
Again the spectre raised a cry, and shook its chain and wrung its shadowy hands. 'You are fettered,' said Scrooge, trembling. 'Tell me why?' 'I wear the chain I forged in life,' replied the Ghost. 'I made it link by link, and yard by yard; I girded it on of my own free will, and of my own free will I wore it. Is its pattern strange to you?' Scrooge trembled more and more. 'Or would you know,' pursued the Ghost, 'the weight and length of the strong coil you bear yourself? It was full as heavy and as long as this, seven Christmas Eves ago. You have laboured on it, since. It is a ponderous chain!' Scrooge glanced about him on the floor, in the expectation of finding himself surrounded by some fifty or sixty fathoms of iron cable: but he could see nothing. 'Jacob, he said, imploringly. 'Old Jacob Marley, tell me more. Speak comfort to me, Jacob!'
'You are fettered,' said Scrooge, trembling. "Tell me why?' 'I wear the chain I forged in life, replied the Ghost. 'I made it link by link, and yard by yard; I girded it on of my own free will, and of my own free will I wore it. Is its pattern strange to you?' Scrooge trembled more and more. 'Or would you know,' pursued the Ghost, 'the weight and length of the strong coil you bear yourself? It was full as heavy and as long as this, seven Christmas Eves ago. You have laboured on it, since. It is a ponderous chain!'
High though his titles, proud his name, Boundless his wealth as wish can claim; Despite those titles, power, and pelf, The wretch, concentred all in self, Living, shall forfeit fair renown, And, doubly dying, shall go down To the vile dust, from whence he sprung, Unwept, unhonour'd, and unsung.
supremecourt.gov In holding otherwise, the Court gives the President a power unknown even to the English Crown against which the Founders revolted, elevating him above his once-coequal branches by transforming a duty to take care that the laws be faithfully executed into a license to act in defiance of those very laws.
LAW.COM Apartment-Dwellers May Have a Reasonable Expectation of Privacy in Shared Spaces In United States v. Lewis, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit addressed whether the Fourth Amendment's protections against unreasonable search and seizure extends to the warrantless search of a shared back porch of a multiunit dwelling. 6 minute read | May 24, 2023 at 10:03 AM
Film Still: Die Another Day (2002) A giant mirror satellite in space directs a white hot beam of light toward Earth’s surface.
en.wikipedia.org At his ice palace in Iceland, Graves unveils a new orbital mirror satellite, Icarus, which is able to focus solar energy on a small area and provide year-round sunshine for agriculture. Frost seduces Bond, and Jinx infiltrates Graves's command centre but is captured by Graves and Zao. Bond rescues her and discovers that Graves is Colonel Moon, who
According to their own reports, San Jose State University and San Francisco State University own AR-15s even though Cal State's policy does not authorize this. A Cal State spokesperson, Amy Bentley-Smith, said these AR-15s are standard issue, which would exempt them from the reporting requirement, even though San Jose's report classifies them as specialized firearms and university police departments determine which equipment is standard issue. San Francisco State's semiautomatic rifles are standard issue and won't be listed in the annual report going forward, university spokesperson Robert King said.
Film Still: Matrix Reloaded (2003) Hugo Weaving’s Agent Smith (left) grimaces, his hand inside the body of another person to his right. That person’s face is covered in grey ooze; Smith is transforming them into a copy of himself, and the process is nearly complete. Agent Smith (left): “Me Me Me” Agent Smith (right): “Me too”
the end of its term in late June. In Trump v. Slaughter, the court overturned decades of precedent and said that the president may remove leaders of independent agencies, such as the Federal Trade Commission, which was the subject of the case. In a separate case involving the Federal Reserve, however, the court recognized a different rule for Fed governors, pointing to the long historical independence of central banking institutions. Whether bipartisan election agencies fall into the first category, the second, or some yet-undefined exception remains unresolved.
"Rep. Marlin Stutzman (R-IN) said Thursday he doesn't know whether Sen. Mitch McConnell is still alive, criticizing the lack of updates about the Kentucky senator's condition after nearly a month in the hospital," NewsNation reports. Said Stutzman: "I have not heard from him, and I think it's a question that Republicans should be asking because he does represent the state of Kentucky. His constituents deserve answers where he is at."
EQ Subscribe But who would apply such a standard? In a July 7 conversation with me, Rogan was upfront about the challenge. "There's probably no truly 'non-partisan' body to handle these situations." Even a group of physicians could be perceived as biased, he said. A model Rogan identified as instructive: Allow a lawmaker's own party leadership or caucus to make the call, in the same way the 25th Amendment empowers the vice president and Cabinet, rather than opponents. The point isn't to remove partisanship entirely but to prevent a member's political adversaries from weaponizing health disclosures.
Andy Beshear GOVERNOR COMMONWEALTH OF KENTUCKY OFFICE OF THE GOVERNOR Kentucky State Office Building 501 High Street Frankfort, Kentucky 40601 Phone: (502) 564-2611 Fax: (502) 564-2517 July 8, 2026 The Honorable Mitch McConnell United State Senate 317 Russell Senate Office Building Washington, D.C. 20510 Dear Senator McConnell: Over the last several weeks, Kentuckians have grown increasingly concerned about the current state of your health and wellbeing, and ability to hold office in the United States Senate. As Governor, I request that you fully update Kentuckians regarding the current status of your health. As public officeholders, we have made a commitment to our constituents to do our best to represent them and to always be transparent. I believe this requires clear communication about one's ability to serve. We wish you a safe and speedy recovery. Sincerely, Andy Beshear <signature> Andy Beshear Governor @GovAndyBeshear | GOVERNOR.KY.GOV Home An Equal Opportunity Employer M/F/D
bbaumann.substack.com The unitary executive theory benefits from what might be called jurisprudential inertia. It is familiar. It is clean. It offers judges a usable doctrinal machine. It translates constitutional history into a simple institutional morality: presidential control equals democracy; insulation equals unaccountable bureaucracy. That story is powerful not because it is historically accurate, but because it is administrable, flattering, and politically useful.
https://www.congress.gov/crs-product/IF11907 Highlights in **'s Senate Vacancies in the Constitution and State Law Vacancies in the membership of the U.S. Senate can occur as the result of the resignation, death, or expulsion of a Member, or the refusal of the Senate to seat a Senator-elect.
Highlights in **’s billtrack50.com Section 1. KRS 118.720 is amended to read as follows: When an election is to be held to fill a vacancy in the office of representative in Congress, or in the office of United States Senator, a proclamation therefor, in lieu of a writ of election, **shall be issued and signed by the Governor and shall be directed to the proper sheriffs**. The proclamation shall be published by the sheriffs as required by KRS 118.750. The candidate who is certified as the winner of the special election shall hold the position of the office of which he or she has been elected for the remainder of the unexpired term. ?
LIBERAL CURRENTS The problem is that as self-governance has broken down everywhere else in the American system, we have attempted to bring it back at the level of implementation, spinning up endless public comments, public feedbacks, public meetings, lawsuits and private rights of action. The net effect of these is not democracy, which is best found in general elections. The net effect is to empower the wealthy, the well-connected, and the narrow partisans of particular interests, and most of all to empower them not to make anything happen but merely to obstruct, prevent, and block. "The status quo, forever" is not self-governance. It is a prison of our own making.
All this brings us back to "institutional agnosticism." LPE's strength, as a mode of analysis and a positive political project, ought to be moving beyond dogged attachment to a favorite branch towards pragmatic evaluation of which institutions can best serve democratic demands. There's nothing that should pre-commit us to Congress, either in its current manifestation or its highest form; in fact, there's no reason to narrow our focus to the American federal government in the first place. Already, LPE is providing resources for rethinking what can be done in the Mayor's office and through the transnational monetary system and everywhere in between. All this raises the question: What are good policies? Should our aim be eliminating monopolies or reviving public control of them? Is the answer industrial policy or market socialism? Do we want rent control, social housing, both, or neither? Instead of prioritizing some dream institution, we should be spending our days figuring out what our governments should be used to achieve.
lpeproject.org As Moyn notes, Baumann's advocacy for "constitutional politics" avoids invoking the "the big-C Constitution." In this way, Baumann seems to go a step further than Josh Chafetz, whose earlier use of the same phrase was premised on "a field that is given form and structure by the written Constitution." True,
Highlights in **’s Clause of the First Amendment. Drawing on an original database of over 500,000 petitions submitted to Congress, as well as archival materials from the First Congress, this Article excavates the petition process comprehensively for the first time and documents how petitioning shaped the modern administrative state. This excavation tracks petitioning in the House of Representatives from the First Congress through the Eightieth, **at which point the volume of legislative petitioning dropped dramatically following implementation of the Legislative Reorganization Act and the Administrative Procedure Act of 1946.** (27)
Perez v. Brownell, 356 U.S. 44 (1958) Citizenship is man's basic right, for it is nothing less than the right to have rights. Remove this priceless possession and there remains a stateless person, disgraced and degraded in the eyes of his countrymen. He has no lawful claim to protection from any nation, and no nation may assert rights on his behalf. [Footnote 2/4] His very existence is at the sufferance of the state within whose borders he happens to be. In this country, the expatriate would presumably enjoy, at most, only **the limited rights and privileges of aliens**, [Footnote 2/5]
After the revolution, the petition process provided a mechanism of representation for individuals and minorities not represented by the majoritarian mechanism of the vote. Even the unenfranchised could petition: women, free African Americans, Native Americans, the foreign born, and children turned to the petition process to participate in lawmaking. The petition process offered the politically powerless a means of participation that was formal, public, and not driven by political power. In this way, the petition process resembled litigation in a court more closely than the rough and tumble public engagement process described by political scientists today.
Highlights in **’s District of Columbia v. Heller, 554 U.S. 570 (2008) Overview Opinions Materials "'IT]he people' seems to have been a term of art employed in select parts of the Constitution.... [Its uses] sugges[t] that 'the people' protected by the Fourth Amendment, and by the First and Second Amendments, and to whom rights and powers are reserved in the Ninth and Tenth Amendments, refers to a class of persons who are part of a national community **or who have otherwise developed sufficient connection with this country to be considered part of that community."**
Highlights in **’s We hold these Truths to be self-evident, that **all Men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights**, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness—-That to secure these Rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just Powers from the Consent of the Governed, that whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these Ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new
As relevant here, a federal court may grant habeas relief on a claim that a state court has resolved on the merits only if that decision was "contrary to, or involved an unreasonable application of, clearly established Federal law." §2254(d)(1). Only the holdings of this Court clearly establish federal law. White v. Woodall, 572 U.S. 415, 419
Slaughter and Cook represent significant, though perhaps not final, steps in a reconstitution of the administrative state overseen by a President with powers that exceed those of the British monarchy. Most importantly, Congress is left with few tools to effectively check aggressive uses of presidential power. The First Branch may no longer insulate the agencies it creates from presidential influence. Since 1983, Congress has been unable to veto presidential exercises of statutory authority. As of 2024, Congress cannot subject presidents to criminal accountability for abuses of authority. Finally, Congress must conform to judicially-imposed standards when they write statutes. In other words, reconstitution of the administrative state is part and parcel with the defanging of Congress. For all the valid criticism of the Legislative Branch, it has been left with severely curbed constitutional powers, and that curbing has come largely from the Supreme Court.
semafor.com Project 2029 wanted to start with kids safety because it's among the least politically polarizing topics, but plans to release policy agendas centered on issues including healthcare, housing, AI, and the border.
yalelawjournal.org ABSTRACT. In recent years, the Supreme Court has begun to implement a "unitary" theory of the Executive, according to which the President alone holds the executive power. At the same time, the Court has greatly intensified its scrutiny of administrative policymaking, abandoning deference on questions of law and at times taking a steel-hard look at questions of policy and fact as well. These moves together create novel constitutional structures, internally contradictory jurisprudence, and unstable patterns of political rule. The unitary executive theory presumes that the President alone may wield executive power. But by wresting away agencies' policymaking discretion, the Court itself exercises executive power. The Court is thus constructing the unitary executive with one hand and fragmenting it with the other. In this emerging regime, there are two chief executives: the President and the Court. The Executive is not unitary; it is binary. The binary executive is a constitutional anomaly that disturbs settled understandings, undermines the quality of government, and aggrandizes the Court at the expense of both the elected branches and its own legitimacy.
Institutional Capacity Another way Congress might react to Loper Bright is by investing more in its own institutional capacity. There are limits to how much this can help—it would be hard for Congress ever to have both the in-house technical expertise necessary to know exactly how many parts per billion of some pollutant are safe for us to breathe and the flexibility to be able to revise that determination when better scientific knowledge or technological advances becomes available. There is a reason that no modern democratic system that I’m aware of has its legislature making policy at that level of granularity. Moreover, many governance decisions in the executive branch are specific to
At this point, all that is left of Humphrey’s is its observation that an agency that “exercises no part of the executive power” need not fall within the rule of Presidential removal. 295 U. S., at 628; see Mistretta v. United States, 488 U. S. 361, 423–425, and n. 3 (1989) (Scalia, J., dissenting) (explaining that Humphrey’s stands only for the proposition that there would be “no strict constitutional impediment to a ‘branchless’ agency” that exercises “no governmental power”). If Congress wishes to establish independent agencies to assist it with its functions, it may do so. Cf. Buckley, 424 U. S., at 137–138. But it may not foist those agencies upon the President, and thus deprive him of “the executive power vested [in him] by the Constitution”—something Humphrey’s itself never purported to permit. Humphrey’s Executor, 295 U. S., at 628.
= POLITICO The Supreme Court cloaks its deliberations in secrecy and still banishes cameras from its ornate courtroom. Court officials are loath to discuss the security measures being undertaken to protect the justices. But the portrait of an institution straining to transform itself and its security apparatus comes into focus through an in-depth review of budget documents and videos posted on an officer-hiring website, as well as interviews with court insiders and little-noticed public comments by the justices.
Highlights in **’s supremecourt.gov affirmation. From 1789 to 1990, the original text used for this oath (1 Stat. 76 § 8) was: - do solemnly swear or affirm that I will administer justice without respect to persons, **and do equal right to the poor and to the rich**, and that I will faithfully and impartially discharge and perform all the duties incumbent upon me as ー） according to the best of my abilities and understanding, agreeably to the constitution and laws of the United States. So help me God."
June 2026] The History of the Constitution is Our Future 1115 Recent Supreme Court jurisprudence illustrates the problem. The Court's turn to "history and tradition" to define the scope of constitutional rights rests on the premise that there exists a singular, national constitutional tradition capable of supplying determinate answers—or that it is normatively good to construct such a national tradition as constitutional myth. Constructing that tradition has proven deeply contested. But much of the debate remains rooted in which aspects of the presumed national history are the most relevant, without challenging the presumption of nationalism in the first instance.® In Wol-ford v. Lopez, a recent case to go before the Court on the Second Amendment, members of the Court suggested that the legal and constitutional traditions of Hawai'i—from the Kingdom of Hawai'i's 1838 constitution, through its overthrow and territorial period, and until statehood in 195990—were largely irrelevant because Hawai'i was now "part of the United States."'' By contrast, the colonial laws of New Jersey from 1771, enacted before U.S. independence," were treated as authoritative evidence of the nation's constitutional tradition."3 This asymmetry reveals how methodological nationalism structures constitutional inquiry. Histories that reflect the instability, plurality, and contested sovereignty of expansion are discounted, while colonial-era practices from the eastern seaboard are elevated as national tradition. In this way, the Court reproduces the logic of expansion and forced uniformity, while insulating that logic from interrogation and critique by presenting the centrality of the "nation" as a neutral, even natural, constitutional method.
Film Still: Inside Man (2006) Clive Owen is center frame, in a black room only his face is lit. He is dressed in a grey shirt with white piping, addressing the camera directly.
Film Still: Liar Liar (1997). Jim Carrey center frame, his face contorted in discomfort as he pounds a table below the frame. -your honor I object -and why is that Mr Reed -because it's devastating to my case
Legal information Institute Each justice or judge of the United States shall take the following oath or affirmation before performing the duties of his office: ", _ - do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will administer justice without respect to persons, and do equal right to the poor and to the rich, and that I will faithfully and impartially discharge and perform all the duties incumbent upon me as _ under the Constitution and laws of the United States. So help me God." (June 25, 1948, ch. 646, 62 Stat. 907; Pub. L. 101-650, title IV, § 404, Dec. 1, 1990, 104 Stat. 5124.) Menu
ARTICLE III: VIOLATION OF OATH: EMPOWERING THE RICH OVER THE POOR In the Judicial Oath, Chief Justice Roberts swore to "do equal right to the poor and to the rich." However, his conduct has demonstrated a bias toward wealth. The Roberts Court
Highlights in **’s Miller's Public Defence Miller had already made his position clear in public. Standing outside the West Wing in May 2025, he told reporters that 'the Constitution is clear - and that of course is the supreme law of the land — that the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus can be suspended in a time of invasion. So, it's an option we're actively looking at. A lot of it depends on whether the courts do the right thing or not.'
Newsweek Trump Insists the Constitution's Article II 'Allows Me to Do Whatever I Want' PUBLISHED JUN 16, 2019 AT 02:58 PM EDT UPDATED JUN 17, 2019 AT 12:05 PM EDT
People Donald Trump allegedly offered a stunning response when he was informed that then-Vice President Mike Pence's safety was at risk during the deadly Jan. 6, 2021, Capitol riot: "So what?"
NBC NEWS The president told ABC News on Wednesday night that within the past 24 hours he had asked "people at the highest level of intelligence ... 'does torture work?' And the answer is yes, absolutely."
Legal Information Institute international obligations arising from established international practices, as opposed to obligations arising from formal written conventions and treaties. Customary international law results from a general and consistent practice of states **that they follow from a sense of legal obligation**. Two
theguardian.com After a three-week trial, a jury found eight of nine protesters guilty of "providing material support to terrorists", among other crimes. For the Sotos, this "material support" included owning a "printing press" used to print anarchist zines and being part of a leftist book club, the federal government argued. The couple had already left the scene by the time guns were drawn. All eight of the defendants sentenced so far have received unusually harsh sentences - 30 to 100 years - essentially life in prison.
26 FIXING ARTICLE V ROBERT BLACK
https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=hvd.32044032025652&seq=33 Highlights in **’s One agency objects to the statutory statement of a right of petition on the ground that it would "force" a "tremendous" number of hear-ings. The alternative implied is that no one should have a right of petition, leaving action or inaction to the initiative of the agency con-cerned. **Even Congress, under the Bill of Rights, is required to accord the right of petition to any citizen. If a petitioner states and supports a valid ground for hearing or relief, manifestly he should be entitled to hearing or relief.** Not every petition need result in a hearing, just as not every complaint in court need result in trial.
Book cover: ONE DAY, EVERYONE WILL HAVE ALWAYS BEEN AGAINST THIS Omar El Akkad Author of American War A shadow of a young figure in a dress with pigtails, flowers at their side in their left hand. Their right hand reaches upwards towards a missile falling directly toward them.